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Europe needs to revisit Gulf relations or lose out to Asia

The recent EU-GCC summit could not have come at a more critical moment

Front row from left, Charles Michel, president of the European council, with Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; the prime minister of Bahrain, Prince Salman bin Hamad Al-Khalifa and Sheikh Maktoum bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, right at the EU-GCC meeting earlier this month Johanna Geron/Reuters
Charles Michel, front row second from left, president of the European Council, with GCC leaders including Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, at the EU-GCC meeting earlier this month

A high level EU-GCC summit, attended by heads of state for the first time, was held in Brussels earlier this month. The meeting came at a critical moment, given the tense Middle East situation and protracted conflict between Israel and Iran.

For the EU, the strategic relevance of the GCC states has become clearer in recent years. Efforts to increase cooperation with these countries culminated in a new policy approach in June 2022, followed by the appointment last year of Luigi Di Maio, the EU special representative for the Gulf.

The EU is also working to build closer institutional ties at the political, security and economic level. The effort is earnest, and the process is beginning to bear some fruit. 

The EU and the GCC share a host of strategic common interests. Areas of mutual concern include a just resolution to the Palestinian issue, the avoidance of a wider war involving Israel and Iran, and concerted efforts to contain Houthi attacks against international shipping in the Red Sea. 

The GCC states require more stability in their neighbourhood to implement their far-reaching economic modernisation and diversification programmes. The EU requires the same stability to smooth economic development and ease migration flows. 

Yet, on the ground, their respective policy approaches do not match. The GCC states are doing their part. They have resolved the regional rift with Qatar, pushed for a political solution to the Yemen conflict, and opened communication channels with Iran to de-escalate the Israeli-Iran attacks. 

With regard to Palestine, the GCC has taken the lead and put together a coalition of moderate Arab and Islamic states to push for the two-state solution based on the Arab Peace Initiative. 

Europe is not only seen as divided but its voices on human rights, humanitarian law and justice are viewed as hypocritical lip service. With the GCC urging Iran not to escalate the conflict, the least the EU can do is urge Israel to do the same. 

Maritime security

Europe’s reputation is faltering in other domains too. In maritime security, its half-hearted attempt in the Red Sea in the form of Operation Aspides is exposing Europe’s unreadiness or unwillingness to play an adequate security role. This is all the more baffling, given the fact that disrupted supply chains and navigational interruptions have a direct impact on European economic wellbeing. 

When it comes to North Africa and the Levant, the EU’s increasingly securitised approach to migration is only serving to strengthen authoritarian governments, rather than tackling the underlying social tensions that threaten state stability and fuel migration in the first place. 

In addition to the failed state scenarios being witnessed in Yemen, Libya, Syria and Lebanon, other countries such as Jordan, Egypt and Tunisia are finding themselves in increasingly precarious positions. This instability serves neither the EU nor the GCC.  

It must be said that Europe’s policies in the Middle East simply do not work. Instead of sticking to the same ineffective pronouncements, Europe should honestly ask itself how it must urgently change its approach.

The EU-GCC agenda extends beyond the immediate urgent regional security issues. With all six GCC states pursuing wide-ranging economic diversification efforts, trade ties to Europe and access to European technology play important roles. 

The Gulf is a highly relevant market for European companies with lucrative opportunities in the many mega-projects being planned. 

On the energy side, European cooperation in terms of technology transfer is critical. The GCC states understand that the energy transition, including renewable energy deployment, is creating widespread opportunities for climate change mitigation and adaptation as well as economic diversification. 

The Gulf region is already making massive investments in the development of blue and green hydrogen. When considering the growing climate vulnerability of the Gulf, the timing is right to partner the EU’s Green Deal with projects such as the Saudi and Middle East Green Initiative

What Europe must understand is that the GCC states will not wait until they meet all the requirements put forward by European partners to see economic and energy ties flourish.

If Europe is not ready, Asian countries in particular stand ready to take advantage of the numerous opportunities available. Already, Asia has replaced the EU as the GCC’s first trade partner. 

Social ties

Finally, emphasis must be placed on extending people-to-people networks. All EU countries enjoy almost complete visa-free access to the GCC states. In Saudi Arabia visas are issued online within hours. The same privilege does not exist for GCC citizens in Europe.

This has implications for educational, cultural and overall social ties. Capacity building remains essential to promoting long-term engagement, and addressing these dynamics is crucial to establishing trust and ensuring that EU-GCC cooperation can thrive.   

The first ever EU-GCC summit convened at a critical point in time. The GCC states are ready to throw their full weight behind the effort to make EU relations truly strategic. Whether the EU is ready to do the same remains to be seen.

Christian Koch is director of research at the Gulf Research Centre and manages the Gulf Research Centre Foundation office in Brussels. This article was repurposed from his previously published post